Showing posts with label Irish Farmers Association. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Irish Farmers Association. Show all posts

Sunday, August 2, 2009

Jack O’Connor wants a social banquet

cowenOur Taoiseach, Brian Cowen, clings tenaciously to the concept of social partnership to create a roadmap to economic recovery.  But the consequences of the economic collapse has made the same social partners as effective as neutered rabbits on a sunny Spring morning.

They have traditionally positioned themselves as the providers of incremental benefits.  But with no resources to allocate the new game plan is subsidy bounty-hunting. 

IBEC want millions to subsidise exporters. 

ifa The IFA want millions to subsidise hobby farmers.  They will hold public tantrums to avenge their rage and throw eggs at whatever lactating political breast they believe they can beat into submission.

The religious congregations remind us of our ‘solemn obligations’ to provide hundreds of million of euro for their Third World clients and that the return on this expenditure will be ‘kudos’ and a reputation for the country ‘punching above its weight’.  They are not too concerned if the resources provided are derived from income or debt.

oconnor Jack O’Connor, General President of SIPTU and currently President of Irish Congress of Trade Unions is the latest actor to step forward.  O’Connor wants the primary legislation to establish the National Assets Management Agency (NAMA) to incorporate a “social dividend”.  Is that not a lovely, cuddly inoffensive euphemistic thought, just like Wexford strawberries cream on the beach in June?  The little teddy bear should even have its very own beating heart.  Can you believe it – a 21st century Butlin’s with redcoats entertaining the new arrivals at Nirvana and ‘adult party’ weekends!

Jack advocates that what is to become the largest property institution in the world, whose primary function is to realise collateral for bank loans, should have a social dimension. in the form of providing houses, schools, health centres and, even, sports and community facilities.  Santa Claus has rode into town in August and Jack is making a list and checking it twice.  Local authority waiting lists will disappear and there will be no private facet to the dinosaur that is our health service.  Nirvana is at hand!

I don’t think that economic literacy is Jack’s strongest card.  Everything has a price but Jack omits to mention who is to pay for his dream of a social dividend.

It would have been interesting if Jack had aspired to an economic dividend – a gesture that might create the wealth from which the social dividends could be provided.  But that would be so boring from Jack’s perspective. 

It was only 3 months ago that Jack was promising mayhem on the streets of Ireland as union members would protest about their grievances.  But there hasn’t been a whisper about that since. I suspect that unions members are taking their own counsel as to how far-reaching their protests will be and how they will spend their political capital.

The chilling reality is that unemployment in Ireland is now 228,000 – almost three times as high as 2006.  There are 418,000 on the Live Register.  Short-time working and pay cut backs are the order of the day.  Day to day economic activities such as shopping, eating out, purchasing a car, taking a holiday are no longer possible on the level of a short few years ago.  This has also impacted the membership levels of SIPTU and their counterpart unions. 

siptu Jack’s real priority nowadays is two-fold: protect the SIPTU membership base and the income derived from it and to choose topics for public discourse that could validate the union’s existence and make Jack appear to be a compassionate soul, a Robin Hood of modern times.  The latter has to be in a form of a good, appetising banquet, the cost of which is always somebody else’s problem!  Belch!

Each of the social partners need a good banquet from time to time.  Otherwise they will starve to death.  Their irrelevance will become too glaringly obvious and if the membership walk their public spokesmen will be out of job and off the invitation lists.  The absurdity of the menu for these banquets can be directly correlated to the desperation of the group placing the order!

Jack has stated the Ireland’s social partnership process offers no potential on a deal to enhance the prospects of economic recovery.  This is not surprising and reinforces the notion that this process is simply about more, more, more.  The latest hot potato concerns a possible reduction in the minimum wage.  Ireland’s minimum wage is apparently second highest to the minimum wage in Luxembourg but when adjusted for purchasing power its also ranks mid way after the minimum wage in Holland, Belgium, France and the UK.

Of course, the minimum wage level and the disparity in wages between Ireland since 2001 is a consequence of the very same partnership process – so perhaps it is time for a new and more creative approach.

Sunday, July 5, 2009

Irish agriculture – subsidy heaven!

farm Irish agriculture employed 101,500 persons at the end of March 2009 – just about 5% of the total Irish labour force.  There are 7,000 fewer farms in the country than five years ago.  There are currently 128,300 farms currently operating engage in the following specialties:

Speciality

% of total farms

Beef production

54

Dairy

15

Mixed grazing livestock

12

Specialist sheep

12

Specialist tillage

4

Mixed crops and livestock

2

Other

1

The following table gives an overview of the trend in output and public expenditure between 2004 and 2008:

€ million 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Gross value added at factor cost 3,876 4,272 3,958 3,985 3,951
PUBLIC EXPENDITURE          
EU subsidies 1,465 1,904 1,479 1,438 1,438
Irish Government 1,259 1,355 1,437 1,666 2,104
TOTAL 2,724 3,259 2,916 3,105 3,543
Public expenditure % GVA 70% 76% 74% 78% 90%

This trend begs the question as to what proposals are likely to emerge to curtail subsidies in the context of prevailing economic trends.

The Irish pigmeat industry earned €360 million in exports last year.  The industry faced a shutdown last December for less than a week after dioxins were found in slaughtered pigs after the animals ate contaminated food.  While the risk was not considered to have been ‘significant’, the dioxin level in the effected animals was 200 times above the recognised safety level.  A Bunclody, County Wexford based animal feed plant, Millstream Recycling was believed to have been the source of the contaminated animal feed.  The Irish Government provided no less than €180 million for the destruction of up to 130,000 pigs, 7,000 cattle and 9,500 tonnes of pig meat.  The subsidies were restricted to Irish processors and the maximum amount  was equivalent to €54.77 per pig and €468.62 per head of cattle.  While the response to this issues was prompt and comprehensive one would wonder why a subsidy equivalent a half of a year’s export earnings was necessary to cope with a one-week closure of the industry – especially in the context of Government borrowing increasing at the rate of €60 million every day.

The annual expenditure estimate at the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food for 2009 is €1.59 billion.  Spending by this Department for the first half of 2009, at just shy of €750 million is 37% ahead of what it was in the first half of 2008, according the the latest Exchequer Statement.

New Zealand, an island nation with a demographic profile not unlike Ireland has not provided farm subsidies since the early 1980’s when the Federated Farmers of New Zealand argued that controlling inflation rather than subsidising the consequences of inflation would be of greater benefit.  They considered that the provision of farm subsidies, which caused Government budget deficits, were the main cause of inflation.  More subsidies only aggravated the problem, as they saw it.

Agriculture reform was part of a wider economic agenda that included scaling back on import tariffs, the deregulation of utilities and public transport, the introduction of a sales tax and the floating of the New Zealand dollar.  There were about 80,000 farmers at the time and it is estimated that about 1% of them abandoned farming.  The removal of subsidies motivated farmers to become more efficient and to diversify. The agriculture sector there has grown faster and accounts for about 17% of GDP and employing 10% of New Zealand’s labour force.  It is the eighth largest world milk producer accounting for 2.2% of world production.

Perhaps the Irish Farmers Association will have to raise their horizons higher than lobbying the Minister for Defence to get the army to buy chickens raised in Ireland if they really want agriculture to have a prosperous and self-reliant future.

Monday, May 11, 2009

Social Partnership needs an urgent reality check if its legacy is not to be ‘a one-trick pony’

ictu logo

brian-boru-celtic-harp ibec logo CIF IFA

Peter McLoone, General Secretary of IMPACT and chairman of FÁS (2006-2010), warns of an ‘abyss’ as the social partners are “staring failure in the face”. Would this not suggest that it is time to restate the fundamental objective of partnership in the context of prevailing circumstances and a Live Register that has increased by well over 100% in twelve months?

We cannot spend our way out of recession - even if this is a classical economic response to reigniting an economy. We cannot subsidise our way out of difficulty either. The Government faces the prospect of only being able to fund 53% of what in intends to spend in 2009 out of what it is likely to earn in 2009. Personal debt, at €172 billion, is well in excess of what is prudent and a by-product of housing bubble where buyers bought houses at the equivalent of up to 15 times their household income. We cannot tax our way out of difficulty because that aggravates the basic problem rather than ameliorates it.

We are told that when an international recovery becomes evident that we can aspire to an ‘export-led recovery’. But what will the components of this be?

There have been many own-goals that contribute to current difficulties and one of these is the erosion of competitiveness. Many cliché-laden tomes have been published commenting on this but little action has been taken to improve matters.

If social partnership has any real purpose surely that should relate to enhancing national competitiveness.

If the process is to degenerate into a bidding process where each of the social partners are essentially seeking parity of subsidy (€1 billion ++) for their particular constituency, it is hardly worth the cost of the Pledge furniture polish the maintain the talks table.

Can partnership offer anything that will stimulate economic recovery and growth or is it merely a subsidy -dispersing talk-shop with each stakeholder reduced to seeking parity of resources? Is the suggestion that the national Partnership process in its current form maybe faltering really such a bad thing?

Social Partnership has been in existence since 1987 and has accomplished a great deal. It brought the industrial relations process to a more sophisticated and far reaching level and its impact extended beyond bilateral industrial relations matters to encompass the perspective of farmers, construction and the voluntary sector. It reduced the incidence of days lost through strikes (4,179 in 2008, 6,038 in 2007) to provide me and thousands of beneficiaries with a sense of enhanced prosperity that are now illusory as a consequence of the financial crisis and especially that element of it that is attributable to an absence of economic leadership and direction in Ireland. We now realise that a society cannot be economically sustainable on the basis of its citizens buying poorly constructed houses in out-of-the-way locations for 15 times their annual income when they ought to be able to do so for three times their annual income. The fault lines of voodoo economics and its first cousin, leveraged investment, have been brutally exposed.

However, the process has been defined by the stakeholders in the one-dimensional direction of being able to deliver incremental financial benefits to their constituencies. We are in an environment where the Government is intending to spend €63 billion out of a potential income of €34 billion in 2009.

The last time that Ireland operated with the level of tax revenue anticipated this year was in 2003. The following gives a high-level glimpse of how fiscal circumstances 2009 compares with those of 2003:

2003

€ 000

2009

€ 000

GDP at current market prices

139,097

Est 168,000

Expenditure

Department of Social & Family Affairs
Department of Community, Rural and Gaelteacht Affairs

Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment

Expenditure % GDP

FÁS

5,611

257

1,025

6,893

4.9%

823

21,271

476

1,449

23,196

13.8%

1,080

National Debt

Cost to service National Debt

37,610

2,276

Mar 54.245

2,108

Surplus (Deficit) on current account

Surplus (Deficit) on capital account

Exchequer Balance

3,685

-5,554

-1,869

-6,093

-8,698

-14,791

Live Register

Unemployment

166,142

4.6%

384,448

Apr 11.4%

The foregoing does not take into account the implications of redeeming our zombie bank sector. The recent US announcement that tests to of the capacity of leading American banks to survive an economic downturn will require to raise the level of core capital by collectively raising $75 billion in new equity and to maintain a higher ratio of core capital. Irish banks do not have a high level of core capital by international standards. If they are to compete for new equity with American banks they will be judged adversely for the inadequacy of their core capital in the context of these higher norms.

ICTU and IBEC have each advocate spending initiatives costing €1 billion plus to respond to their individual constituencies. Who is going to pay for this against this fiscal background?

A consequence of partnership since 1996 is the erosion of Ireland’s competitiveness and this has resulted in the benefits that recipients thought were assured were in fact unsustainable.

The most recent quarterly report from the Central Bank demonstrates how this has come about:

1990

1996

2009

Ireland: average hourly earnings

82

100

196

Major trading partners:
average hourly earnings

80

100

156

Our labour force in December 2008, 2.28 million was 17,200 lower than a year earlier. Unemployment increased from 101,500 to 170,700 in this period. The participation rate in the workforce dropped from 65.1% in December 2007 to 54.1% in December 2008. The index for modern industrial production at December 2008 was 152.5 compared to 173.8 in December 2007, a downturn of 12.3%.

Many of the multinational businesses operating in Ireland have established positions in developed countries. Some are seeking growth in emerging countries which account for 85% of the world’s population and more than 50% of potential worldwide GDP growth. Can Ireland offer products and services to these markets and be competitive in doing so? When this recession eases and new businesses begin to emerge across the world they will seek lower barriers to entry and affordable technology. Will Ireland have anything to offer them and will the advantages be sustainable?

If economic recovery in Ireland is predicated on exports can partnership contribute to Ireland becoming sufficiently competitive to achieve the earnings and the tax revenue to pay its way, or is it incapable of doing so?

A second issue concerns leadership. McLoone, in his remarks to the IMPACT biennial conference on May 8th also stated with his chairmanship of FÁS, “when the heat came on”, in relation to the spending controversies, his initial reaction was to walk away. He also stated that trade unions had no influence in the State’s key economic agencies. Power comes to those who seize it and use it. To suggest that the chairman of a State agency with a budget north of €1 billion is disingenuous.

A crisis need stellar leaders, not fair weather friends. Can the social partners provide this or are they merely capable of cheer-leading to the most short-term postures of perceived influence?

To summarize: we cannot subsidize our way to recovery; we cannot tax our way to recovery and we cannot spend our way to recovery. But we can compete our way to recovery and we can only prosper to the extent that we can pay our way. The alternative is that the economic management of the nation is outsourced and the vested interests are rendered truly impotent.