The Fianna Fáil constituency money and vote trail

This Friday marks the first anniversary of the 31st Dáil when the Fianna Fáil representation was reduced from 77 in 41 constituencies to 19 TDs in 17 constituencies and only the leader, Micheál Martin, achieved a personal quota in the ballot box.

While the Party faces horrendous problems in Dublin, where following the death of Brian Lenihan, it has been wiped out, there are very significant pockets of strength throughout the country which is reflected in votes and money generated within constituencies.

The following table summarises the votes achieved within the 17 constituencies that delivered a TD:

CONSTITUENCY	TD	Winner’s Votes	FF Quota
Carlow-Kilkenny	McGuinness, J	9,531	1.69
Cavan-Monaghan	Smith, B	9,702	1.21
Clare	Dooley, T	6,789	1.11
Cork NC	Kelleher, B	7,896	0.76
Cork NW	Moynihan, M	8,845	1.00
Cork SC	Martin, M	10,715	1.68
	McGrath, M	7,221
Donegal NE	McConalogue, C	6,613	0.70
Dublin W	Lenihan, B	6,421	0.83
Galway E	Kitt, M	6,585	0.90
Galway W	Ó’Cuív, E	7,441	1.26
Kildare S	Ó’Fearghail, S	4,514	0.97
Laois-Offaly	Cowen, B	8,257
	Fleming, S	6,024	1.61
Limerick	Collins, N	9,361	0.83
Limerick City	O’Dea, W	6,956	0.81
Longford-W’meath	Troy, R	4,275	0.97
Louth	Kirk, S	0	0.78
Mayo	Calleary, D	8,577	0.96
Wexford	Browne, J	7,352	1.11

Funding at the constituency level is in the form of an annual National Collection and an annual Superdraw.  There has also been an Election Draw, direct contributions and the proceeds of membership and cumann registration available to the Party nationally.

The following table summarises the estimated total income at constituency level between 2009 and 2011 and the general election expenditure by candidates. 

CONSTITUENCY	Estimated Income, 2009 -11  €	Constituency Expenditure – General Election 2011 €	Spend per Vote
Carlow-Kilkenny	51,523	51,265	€2.48
Cavan-Monaghan	124,768	39,253	€2.73
Clare	111,357	26,247	€2.05
Cork NC	19,890	19.905	€2.52
Cork NW	60,048	30,208	€2.65
Cork SC	34,151	40,907	€2.28
Donegal NE	22,867	19,213	€2.91
Dublin W	13,260	26,113	€3.71
Galway E	52,946	27,587	€2.58
Galway W	53,637	59,215	€4.66
Kildare S	16,805	19,430	€3.04
Laois-Offaly	123,200	46,062	€2.32
Limerick	77,944	17,033	€1.82
Limerick City	16,773	17,592	€2.53
Longford-W’meath	70,474	52,512	€4.69
Louth	55,192	50,231	€4.63
Mayo	67,614	30,921	€2.59
Wexford	67,430	41,717	€2.97

 

Fianna Fáil spent a total of €2,138,792 to obtain 387,358 votes in the 2011 general election.  Deputy Seamus Kirk, as a Ceann Comhairle of the 30th Dáil, was returned in Louth without contesting the election 

Mandating change in Europe

Fianna Fáil Leader, Micheál Martin TD argues that the people should be consulted in advance of significant changes in Europe that impact our nation. The German Government is proposing to treat Greece and any other fiscal miscreants like a back-office supervised by an EU Budget Commissioner.

There is an enormous and unsustainable democratic deficit in the relationship between Ireland and the European Union that must be recognised and promptly repaired so that the sovereign voice of the people is listened to and heeded.

This hiatus is evident beyond the agenda connected to the fiscal compact and the brinkmanship and doomsday options presented by ministers’ - were there to be a referendum to change the Constitution.

The Irish Merry-go-Round

Three of the nations twelve MEP’s elected in 2009 have now retired and been replaced by others automatically chosen from a Replacement List. A 25% churn is before the middle of a parliamentary term is significant change by any standard.

These replacements have neither presented a proposal to the electorate to introduce themselves nor do they have a mandate from the people. None of them even presented themselves as a candidate in the 2009 election, so from a European political perspective these replacements are total strangers.

This List from which they are chosen was presented by parties and independent candidates to the returning officer in each constituency before the election even took place – as if it were a matter of personal, confessional expediency over which the electorate over had as much influence as they had in choosing the cast of a pantomime. The consequences are that over 194,000 Irish voters have been disenfranchised while an insidious process of highly remunerated and abundantly expensed ‘jobs for insiders’ has thrived.

Gravy Train

The European Parliament is one well endowed gravy train with little, or no oversight of MEPs. Each of the 754 or them is paid a monthly pre-tax salary of €7,956.87 from the Parliament’s budget. This is subject to an EU tax and accident insurance contribution, after which the salary is €6,200.72. Member states can also subject the salary to national taxes. But, as is the case with Oireachtas politicians, no details are available on the Oireachtas web site of the tax liabilities of politicians.

MEPs are also granted an allowance of €4,299 each month – to cover the expenditure they incur in the performance of parliamentary duties. But when it was revealed that Irish senators were receiving an allowance of €23,000 per annum and Independent TD’s were receiving an allowance of €42,000 per annum, it was disclosed that some of this money was used for charity!

Apart from the allowance MEP’s get a mileage allowance of €0.50 per kilometre for a car journey plus fixed allowances based on the distance and duration of the journey. If they travel via other means to meetings of the European Parliament in Brussels or Strasbourg MEPs are refunded the actual cost of their travel based on receipts up to a maximum of a business class air fare or a first-class rail ticket.

MEPs often have to travel outside their home Member State for purposes other than official meetings (e.g. conferences). For this they receive reimbursement from a fixed yearly travel allowance of €4,243 for their travel, accommodation and out-of-pocket expenses. This is made on the presentation of supporting documentation.

The Parliament also pays MEPs a flat rate allowance of €304 for each day they attend official meetings of the Parliament bodies on which an MEP serves that are held within the European Community. This covers accommodation, meals and all other expenses involved in such attendance. The MEP must sign the attendance register to trigger payment. During plenary sessions this amount is reduced by 50% for MEPs who have not taken part in one half of the roll call votes held on the Tuesdays, Wednesdays. And Thursdays of part-sessions held in Strasbourg and on the second day of part-sessions held in Brussels.

Parliament pays a sum of €152 per day plus accommodation and breakfast expenses for attendance at meetings held outside the European Community – provided the MEP has signed the official attendance register for the meeting.

Filling Casual Vacancies

The procedure to fill the vacant seat mid-term of any retiring or deceased MEP is governed by national law. Irish law provides that it is not even necessary for a candidate, or a replacement, to even be a citizen of Ireland to represent an Irish constituency. Candidates are merely prohibited from standing for election in two Member Countries at the same time.

Why therefore, should the European Assembly Elections Act, 1984 not be amended so as to prescribe that when an MEP retires or dies in the course of the life of a Parliament his, or her, votes are examined by the chief returning officer and allocated to the next preference given by the voters to determine who the replacement is? Alternatively a by-election could be held as is the procedure in the independent-minded United Kingdom.

The Irish Government must demonstrate unambiguous leadership with the same agility as the capacity of an MEP to sign his, or her name, in giving concrete expression to the sovereignty of the people especially in the elevated strategic context of our relationship with the European Union.

Micheál Martin’s ‘headache’

The article in the Irish Independent on 20 August, ‘Challenge for Martin as Lenihans’ opt out of the election’, asserts that this constitutes ‘a massive headache’ for Micheál Martin’s efforts to rid Fianna Fáil of its toxic image. Surely, this type of brazen nepotism would only appeal to the 15% of the electorate who supported the late Brian Lenihan. Martin’s fundamental challenge is to win the trust of the 85% of the electorate whose political gaze is elsewhere and he will need to do much more than merely preach to the choir in this endeavour.

The immediate and compelling challenge for Fianna Fáil is to sponsor a committed and sufficiently distinguished candidate to contest the Presidential Election. That ought to be a person with the capacity to inspire the trust, confidence and enthusiasm of the electorate; someone who can convincingly be described as the most distinguished Irish person of the current generation.

Half of the Irish electorate are under the age of 35 years. Most of this cohort has never voted in a Presidential Election. Our population has expanded by 850,000 since 1997. A substantial portion of the electorate were not even born in Ireland.

The clumsy and uncoordinated Fianna Fáil efforts to make a credible impact on the most important Constitutional Office of State are risible, especially when the competition is so lacklustre, taciturn and undistinguished.

The Presidency of Ireland is not a political party trophy even though Fine Gael and the Labour Party have treated the forthcoming contest as a facility to confer a distinguished honour on one of their own insiders. No party, or prospective candidate, has begun to explain the credentials to justify their high-flown ambition to be recognised as an eminent, world-class statesman. The response of the electorate to them, according to polls, is ambivalent and uncertain. There is every prospect that the Presidential Election will record a voter turnout no greater than the 47% recorded in 1997. The vitality and influence of the President will not be derived from electorate that is tepid.

Therefore, the next pragmatic step for Fianna Fáil is to provide the electorate with a candidate choice for President who is energetic and credible, untainted by the prevailing quagmire of toxicity and who reflects the voters’ aspirations, values and expectations.