Showing posts with label Brian Cowen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Brian Cowen. Show all posts

Saturday, January 22, 2011

Fianna Fail circus heads for the knackers yard

Fianna Fáil seems to be travelling in a parallel trajectory to that of the Ulster Unionist Party and are as likely to end up in the same long-term predicament. Lapses in political judgement and common sense this week illustrate how dislocated FF has become from its centre of gravity, its duty accountability and responsibility and, even, its raison d'etre. 


The carry-on was reminiscent of a badly produced circus and a crass attempt at the crudest political expediency for which no price seems to be too much to pay. Do Brian Cowen and Mary Coughlan really think that voters are gormless fools who will tolerate well paid individuals walking away en masse from important roles before the job is complete, leaving the conduct of government like a ghost housing estate? Were those who fled really team players, or merely a collection of eccentrics, oblivious to the public interest but with an exclusive focus on suiting their own whims, personal priorities and preferences?  A master craftsman who starts a job is expected to finish that job – not hand it off to a novice apprentice.


Have there not been enough episodes of atrocious governance, both within and beyond the political system, not to have a situation arise where there was a major lacuna in the control of the most important departments of State - justice, health, enterprise and public transport? 


Fianna Fail could have made a case to the electorate on the grounds that much has been learned from their lousy economic policy judgement and atrocious leadership of the economy from 2003 to 2007 but, instead, this week’s events demonstrate the opposite with Brian Lenihan and Mary Hanafin talking from both sides of their political mouth about Brian Cowen as though he is a fig roll – ‘I like him as a biscuit, but not as a bar’!


Ireland has made no political progress or accomplished any greater maturity towards stability than was the position when Rody Molloy drove home from his chief executive’s office in his FAS owned car for the last time - with the blessing of the Department of Finance.

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

When Cowen played golf with FitzPatrick in 2008

2009 09 10_0407TThe response of Taoiseach Brian Cowen to the recent disclosure that the affairs of Anglo Irish Bank were apparently not discussed during a golf outing to Druid’s Glen GC in July 2008 he had with Seán FitzPatrick, at the invitation of Cowen’s friend, Fintan Drury defies credibility and beggars belief. It is tone like the response one might anticipate from a shifty, tribal African chief with vulnerable democratic credentials and more to hide than reveal.

But Cowen’s reaction also provides an interesting insight into where his own centre of gravity is; what his default position is with respect to the entire banking debacle.

Cowen issued a statement on 10 January in which he “refutes any suggestions of impropriety” and that the outing was arranged by “a friend Fintan Drury which Mr FitzPatrick also attended”.

No one had made any suggestions of impropriety! But when precious time is spent by the Taoiseach with the Chairman of a Bank that is about the nobble the Irish nation and the invitation is extended by a friend who is a six-year veteran of the Anglo’s Risk & Compliance Committee and Chairman of that Committee for the prior four years -  until day’s prior to this golf outing – would this not be a wasted opportunity to ask some searching and penetrating questions? Who could possibly better informed about the intricacies of Anglo Irish Bank than this combination of experience, genius and insight?

Cowen’s friend, Drury, was co-opted to the board of Anglo Irish Bank on 30 May 2002 and remained on the board until 27 June 2008. He became a member of the Risk and Compliance Committee immediately and succeeded by former Anglo director Michael Jacob, who is a former President of the Royal Dublin Society, as Chairman of the Risk & Compliance Committee from 2004 until he departed from the board. This was a small committee whose membership included Lar Bradshaw who was entrusted to lead Dublin Dockland Development Authority.

The function of the Committee was to review key risks and compliance issues inherent in the Anglo business and the system of internal control necessary to manage them and present its findings to the board of Anglo Irish Bank. Did these findings, for example, include the history of FitzPatrick’s loans from Anglo and his annual year-end transactions with Irish Nationwide Building Society which came into public awareness in December of that year?

Drury, a former journalist at RTE was appointed Chairman of the State-owned television service during his tenure at Anglo, an appointment likely to have been strongly advocated by Cowen. His non-executive role at Anglo was handsomely paid. His cumulative fees his six years service amounted to €462,000. He also accumulated shares in Anglo – starting in mid 2002 with 15,000 shares and finishing with 53,796. This portfolio was worth €90,000 on 30 September 2002 and €713,335 on 20 September 2007.

Drury became a member of the board of Paddy Power Plc on 29 August 2002 and held the post of Chairman of that company from 26 May 2003 to 31 December 2008 for which he received cumulative emoluments of €818,000.  His shareholding in Paddy Power Plc increased in value from €58,420 to €448,362 when he concluded his term was Chairman.  Group revenue increased from €673.7 million in 2002 to €2,751 million in 2008.

Cowen’s statement also refers to a phone call he received from FitzPatrick on St Patrick’s Day about issues connected to the shares of Anglo Irish Bank when he was Minister for Finance. Cowen says that he informed the then Governor of the Central Bank, John Hurley, ‘that a situation was developing in regard to the contracts for difference issue in Anglo Irish Bank – the exact scale and detail of the difficulty was not apparently known as that point.’ A meeting between FitzPatrick and the Central Bank Governor and Financial Regulator (Patrick Neary) took place on 21 March 2008.

It is also noteworthy that Drury Communications have been retained by the current regime to promote the Anglo Irish Bank annual report in the post nationalisation phase. Fintan Drury founded this company in 1988 and retired from the business in 1999 when he sold his controlling interest in the company. One of the directors of Drury Communications, until September 2009, was 72-year old David M Kennedy, former boss of Aer Lingus and, incidentally, father of Patrick Kennedy the chief executive of Paddy Power Plc.

Sunday, November 28, 2010

Replacing Cowen now is fraught with misjudgement

fianna failThe Irish media are full of speculation this weekend about the political future of Brian Cowen.  He has never fought a general election as Taoiseach and consequently has never had the endorsement of the people since he succeeded Bertie Ahern as Taoiseach on 7 May 2008.

Some argue that he will stand down before the next imminent general election.  There is no Constitutional impediment and some argue that a new leader is necessary if Fianna Fáil is to survive.

Those who advocate replacing Brian Cowen before the next general election ought to realise that it is only in failed states that the of head of government position is decided upon exclusively by an elite opportunistic clique. The notion that Brian Cowen should be replaced imminently is tantamount to suggesting that a stranger would take the place of a candidate at an important public examination. Cowen’s legacy and political future must be decided by the people at the next general election. The right of the people in our democracy to return their verdict on the leadership and record of any Taoiseach and his, or her, cabinet is inalienable and should be protected by the Constitution. 

The flesh of this nation has been under attack from smart-alec politicians for 40 years and its skeleton is now imploding as a consequence.  Political degradation and dysfunctional leadership caused the surrender of sovereignty and also dramatically changes the dynamics leading to the next presidential election. It will take more than a four-year National Recovery Plan and spun messages rooted in bland anecdotes of prior accomplishments to restore the prestige and eminence of Ireland across the world. Each of the political parties must recognise this and put forward a first-class presidential candidate who clearly demonstrate integrity, values, wisdom and the capacity to inspire the restoration of the nation’s withered morale.

Sunday, October 17, 2010

Radical action for ‘a new Irish beginning’, a view from Brazil

Impanema Speaking at a business conference in Dublin last week on the topic of radical action for ‘a new beginning’ , the former Limerick academic, Dr Ed Walsh, offered what he considers to be far-reaching suggestions to ‘avoid bricks being thrown through windows’. He once again advocates a national government to include two non-elected businessmen, in whose inspirational political skills Dr Walsh seems to have unsurpassable faith.

The centre of gravity in a democracy is the citizen. How could a pair of unelected businessmen achieve solidarity, fidelity and unity of purpose with the electorate from whom they would have no mandate?  Advocates should closely observe Brian Cowen to realise what happens to a Taoiseach who does not have his own mandate.

Walsh criticises the lack of talent in electoral politics. All are frustrated by a lack of inspirational leadership in Ireland’s affairs. Leadership has been replaced by ‘partnership’ that has given lobbyists, lamentable hangers-on and other back-scratchers so much illicit influence and access that the steering apparatus of society has become so rudderless, dysfunctional, unaccountable that our economy is now unsustainable. Outcomes of decisions are self-serving and fuzzy. Too many citizens feel disenfranchised by vested interests. Lobbyists are voracious parasites, without a social conscience, whose role is to eat the flesh of society. The most important piece of kit that a lobbyist has is a shrill whinging voice that threatens Armageddon and the begging bowl. The latter will always be empty because, if it were full, the raison d’être of the lobbyist would disappear causing his, or her, cash flow to vanish!

We are also observing the ‘cute whore’ approach to the use and abuse of the legal system by those attempting to obscenely enrich themselves on a questionable moral premise and, too often, at great cost to the rest of society.  Dignity and respect is earned, not conferred by judicial decree.

We are at the bottom of an economic mineshaft surrounded by the impenetrable rock of deteriorating credit ratings, wide sovereign bond spreads, penal interest rates, high deficits and collapsing tax revenues. Our society must take stock of the types of leadership that will deliver a reliable rescue capsule at the next election. We do have daylight, fresh water, meagre rations, contact with the outside world and an ability to think creatively.

Partnership must be replaced by values that ignite solidarity and a sense of common purpose where citizens feel that is they who are given priority, not influence peddlers. A government cannot be all things to all people.  The retiring President of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva successfully demonstrated this since 2003. 

The social partners must come out of the closet and realise that they are in a powerless relationship and, like an extra-marital affair, this relationship padlocked by paralysing ambivalence.

Ireland’s aspiring political leaders could learn some fundamental lessons in leadership from Mr Luis Urzúa, the shift leader of the 33 men who escaped from the mine in Chile last week. They were trapped for 17 days before anyone above ground could make contact with them. Urzúa set up a regime that was rooted in solidarity, rather than partnership. His strength was in being able to analyse the situation; make a diagnosis and devise a plan of action. This instilled a sense of structure and order among the miners who has been overcome by desperation after the cave-in revealed a wall of rock hemming them in. The miners relied on the principle of one-man, one-vote to make decisions, building a sense of unity to overcome periods of severe strain underground. Mr Urzúa showed that sound training and clear thinking are vital to crisis management and achieving this happy ending.

Jim Lovell, the Apollo 13 commander who helped steer his spacecraft to earth 40 years ago when it lost power after an oxygen tank burst in space, is now 82 years old and he recently stated “if we did not do anything and waited for a miracle I might still be in space now. God helps those who help themselves”.

Our approach to the future ought to recognise the primacy of helping oneself, self-sufficiency, personal initiative and social solidarity, not overarching greed, the conniving skulduggery of the 'cute whore' and impotent partnerships which deliver nothing of sustainable value, or impact, and are increasingly disconnected to those they proclaim to represent.

Saturday, July 17, 2010

Cowen needs to mobilise public opinion on expenditure cuts

Brian Cowen needs to successfully mobilise public opinion if the exchequer deficit is to be tackled and the shoots of economic stability are to yield jobs, stability and opportunity.

During the first six months of 2010 our national debt has increased by €9 billion and the amount of interest paid on it has increased by 20% between June 2009 and June 2010. Interest now accounts for over 15% of all tax revenue, up from 11.5% a year earlier. When the State had tax revenue of almost €46 billion in 2006 the government spent €44 billion. This year spending will be in the region of €60 billion but taxes could be as low as €31 billion.

The Finance Minister has indicated that serious expenditure cuts can be anticipated in the next Budget if the exchequer deficit is to be tackled in a meaningful way – and it must. But in the run up to the Budget the media will be cluttered with a cacophony of special, frequently vacuous, pleadings of vested interests seeking to defend their own resources typically citing some really heart-rending testimonials as a defence that are often quite atypical. Furthermore, the availability of the resources many of them will speak of are of relatively recent origin given the explosive and often wholly indiscriminate growth in government spending as was demonstrated vividly, for example, in FÁS and the HSE; when paying off delinquent executives in public institutions and the banks and building societies now controlled by the State and spending commitments based on benchmarks that are obsolete, or unsustainable.

If this government was not so snookered by a bunker mentality they would mobilise support through the public identifying spending cut suggestions rather than relying exclusively on the observations and advice of An Bórd Snip.

Would the Taoiseach’s much criticised capacity to communicate not be somewhat remediated if his own Department’s web site included an e-mail 'have-your-say' input facility for a finite annual 60-day period for the public to make practical suggestions that would save public money? These could be coordinated by an identified champion and criticised by interested members of the public before being presented to ministers for consideration. The cost of gathering suggestions need not be too burdensome, nor the electronic administration too onerous in the context of there now being fewer human resources in the public service working for less money.

Practical suggestions, illustrated by specific application in given instances, such as saving electricity, saving money through recycling, less travel and greater use of conference calling and video conferencing technology, less spending on contractors and consultants, using more efficient double-sided printing, greater sharing of resources, tighter rules on sick leave, more critical evaluation of discretionary spending, and more economical computer costs are examples of what might emerge. The compacting, postponing or elimination of certain academic programmes could also stretch educational resources and redefine priorities.  A critical review of publically funded advertising expenditure ought to enhance its relevance, focus, impact and practicality.

Apart from the practical benefits that might emerge from such an initiative, surely it would enhance the overall process of governance by a regime headed by a Taoiseach who does not yet have the reassurance of his own electoral mandate and who seems increasingly shy of connecting to the electorate by holding three long overdue by-elections well ahead of the next Budget.  He would be seen to be directly and robustly engaging with the general public on a matter which needs their widespread support and commitment, rather than merely consorting with the 'shakers and movers'. 

President Obama successfully mobilised public opinion in 2008 through the slogan ‘yes, we can’. This is an opportunity for Brian Cowen to emulate his approach through 'have your say'. It might also severely discourage his party colleagues from threatening to replace him with someone else who has not earned a mandate from the electorate to serve as Taoiseach and who would therefore be devoid of political capital and street credibility.

Wednesday, April 21, 2010

Response of dithering Taoiseach to Boucher pension deal is devastating

Leinster House I watched with quivering embarrassment, revulsion and genuine horror, as Brian Cowen, our Taoiseach, waffled on Monday in Tullamore and again yesterday in the Dáil Éireann about the €1.4 million spent by the Court jesters of Bank of Ireland bloating the pension entitlement of their chief executive, the esteemed insider, Mr Boucher.  Cowen states that he has no legal power to intervene in this sacred contract between rational parties, but suggests that it would be ‘helpful in public perception terms’ if Boucher refused to accept the bloated pension.  Cowen urges public sector workers, who are to vote on a pay freeze of indeterminate duration, that they ‘should see the big picture’.  I have no doubt they will and see it very clearly.  They will see it in kaleidoscopic clarity.

That, my dear readers, is precisely how the Irish financial system was regulated by flaccid, stuttering, incompetent, bow-legged, politically compromised morons and gobshites, before the economy collapsed from exhaustion in early 2007 with a half million people lost their jobs and everybody’s equity holdings fleeced to near extinction. 

The verbal and leadership skills of our regulators and leaders did not move beyond nuanced euphemisms and when combined into paragraphs these looked and sounded as robust as a pre-fabricated hen house in a raging storm.

When a chief executive presides over a company that loses €1.8 billion, equivalent to no less than 98% of its market capitalisation and that loss is substantially attributable to his own decisions, what usually follows is the presentation of a crisp P-45.  Very few are presented with a gilded pension allowing them to retire with defined benefits of a magnitude that is beyond the range of most people.

Cowen will down in history as the most dangerous Minister for Finance the country ever had; the Minister who supervised an expansionary credit bubble that has beggared the nation the consequences of which he never understood.  As Taoiseach, he presents as a delusionary, curmudgeon who blames everyone but his own ineptitude for what has transpired. and never a word of apology.

His body language and demeanour when referring to Boucher has been as taciturn as might be anticipated had an elderly, blind, poodle piddled beside him on the floor of a convent parlour.

Contract, or no contract, this is a matter of fundamental public interest, morality and moral authority - the Taoiseach's moral authority.

The value of the Bank of Ireland Staff Pension funds are reporting a deficit of over €1.6 billion, a deficit that has increased by over 200% since 2008.  The funds' assets are now less than 70% of the present value of future obligations.

If this adverse trend were to continue, even at a more moderate rate of deterioration, there is a real and grave threat that there will not be enough resources to pay Bank of Ireland pensions' in full.
How would Fianna Fail and Green Party candidates feel about canvassing Bank pensioners' in forthcoming elections if they are only receiving forty or fifty percent of the pension payment they are entitled to and personally paid for, against a background of the Taoiseach's apparent indifference to the Boucher gilded pension deal that has been funded from gigantic Bank of Ireland losses and bailout money?

Monday, June 15, 2009

Emotionally charged weeks for child abuse victims and citizens alike

Author and Taoiseach This is a picture of the author and the Taoiseach, Brian Cowen, that was taken in Boston in 2005.  Every now and then Mr Cowen emerges from his shell and makes a really compelling, even passionate, speech and he did so last Thursday, June 11, in Dáil Éireann in the course of a debate on the report of The Ryan Report into child abuse in industrial schools. Many other contributors also made excellent contributions, including Ruari Quinn TD and Michael D Higgins TD.  It was noted, that for once, there was no game-playing by the politicians in this debate.  Their genuine sense of outrage and sense of purpose was clearly evident.

The previous day, Wednesday June 10th there was a march at lunch time from the Garden of Remembrance to Leinster House that attracted about 5,000 participants. Many travelled from well outside Dublin to demonstrate solidarity.  By all accounts it was a very dignified, sombre occasion but many of the victims interviewed in the media expressed what was a most deep-seated sense of relief as a result of the public recognition afforded them. President McAleese is to host them shortly at Áras an Uachtaráin. The President also made a statement on the findings of The Ryan Report. Victims met Mr Cowen on the evening of the march.

The Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse. was established in 2000 and their report was published its report on 20 May. Mr Cowen, in his contribution to the debate said that the Report is regarded as one of the most important reports, and almost certainly the gravest, ever published in the history of the State. It contains a shattering litany of abuse of children in care in Ireland over many decades. He acknowledged that it presents a searing indictment of the people who perpetrated that abuse, of the religious congregations who ran the institutions in which it took place, and of the organs of the State which failed in their duty to care for the children involved.

Cowen’s predecessor, Bertie Ahern TD, apologised to all victims on behalf of the State on 11 May 1999, ten years prior to the publication of the Report. The first recommendation of The Ryan Report is that a memorial be erected to the victims and that it be inscribed with the words of the Ahern apology.

“On behalf of the State and of all citizens of the State, the Government wishes to make a sincere and long overdue apology to the victims of childhood abuse for our collective failure to intervene, to detect their pain, to come to their rescue.”

The Government has accepted the recommendation of the Commission and admitted that the abuse of children, and the suffering they endured, occurred because of failures of systems and policy, of management and administration and of senior personnel who were concerned with industrial and reformatory schools. They are also deeply conscious that while the events inquired into by the Commission occurred, for the most part, many years ago, their consequences continue and live on in the burdens that the victims carry day by day. Cowen paid tribute to the dignity, courage and fortitude of witnesses who came forward to the Commission to recall events that happened those years ago and he remembered those former residents now deceased

The evidence presented in it makes clear that it was a correct decision to establish a system of redress which did not require victims to rely on the limitations of a compensation system based on litigation through the courts. Some people have had criticisms to make about the manner in which the redress board dealt with issues. However, the Taoiseach stated that it was right to have an approach which enabled survivors to be compensated without having to go through the courts and with a very different approach to proof and evidence.

This Report has radically changed the public perception of what went on in the institutions and the accounts of victims on radio talk shows have been very compelling. It has vindicated once and for all what was said over the years by former residents and by some others on their behalf. It is no longer possible to deny or to doubt. The Commission has spoken, the case is closed.

The catalogue of horror and terror that was visited over many years on children in the care of religious congregations, placed there by the State, is absolutely appalling. It is made even more appalling, if that is possible, by the fact that those who perpetrated the abuse had promised to uphold and practise the gospel of love and belonged to congregations founded to serve the very noblest ideals. It is worsened, too, by the repeated failure of the State, which placed the children in these institutions, to inspect or regulate the conditions in which they were held or the treatment to which they were subjected. The congregations should have loved them and the State should have cared about them. Neither did.

The report contains such horrific stories that it is difficult to know where to begin in talking about it. It provides detailed accounts of the regime and the suffering in seven schools run by the Christian Brothers, one by the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, one by the Department of Education itself, two by the Rosminian Order, one by the Presentation Brothers and one by the Brothers of Charity. It also describes eight schools run by nuns, mostly by the Sisters of Mercy but including two run by the Sisters of Charity, and gives short reviews of documentary evidence about two schools providing residential care to deaf girls, though in their case most allegations of abuse referred to the harshness with which a particular mode of learning was imposed and in general the standard of care in those two schools was good.

The Report contains the report of the Commission’s confidential committee, which heard evidence from over a thousand men and women who reported being abused as children in Irish institutions. It devotes a whole volume to the role of the Department of Education, examining the extent to which the Department ensured, or failed to ensure, that its rules and regulations were upheld by the institutions and that the basic standards set for the children taken into the care of the State were being met.

The conclusions of the report are stark. The Commission found that physical and emotional abuse and neglect were endemic features of the institutions. Sexual abuse occurred in many of them, primarily in boys’ institutions. Schools were run in a severe, regimented manner that imposed unreasonable and oppressive discipline on children and even on staff. Inspections were not random or unannounced and, as a result, the inspector did not get an accurate picture of conditions in the schools. The inspector rarely spoke to the children in the institutions.

The Report concludes that rules governing the use of corporal punishment were disregarded with the knowledge of the Department of Education. A climate of fear, created by pervasive, excessive and arbitrary punishment, permeated most of the institutions and all of those run for boys. Children lived with the daily terror of not knowing where the next beating was coming from.

As regards sexual abuse, the Report makes the truly appalling finding that sexual abuse was endemic in boys’ institutions. The situation in girls’ institutions was different; although girls were subjected to predatory sexual abuse by male employees or visitors or in outside placements, it was not systemic in girls’ schools.

Perpetrators of abuse were able to operate undetected for long periods at the core of institutions. Cases of sexual abuse were managed with a view to minimising the risk of public disclosure and consequent damage to the institution and the congregation. When lay people were discovered to have sexually abused, they were generally reported to the Garda. When a member of a congregation was found to be abusing, it was dealt with internally and not reported to the Garda. The report finds that when confronted with evidence of such abuse, the response was to transfer the offender to another location where, in many instances, he was free to abuse again. The relevant religious authorities knew that sexual abuse was a persistent problem in male religious organisations throughout the relevant period. However, the Report finds that some congregations remained defensive and disbelieving of much of the evidence heard by the investigation committee about sexual abuse in institutions, even where men had been convicted in court.

Sexual abuse of girls was generally taken seriously by the sisters in charge and lay staff were dismissed when their activities were discovered. However, the attitude of nuns made it difficult for them to deal with such cases candidly and openly and victims of sexual assault felt shame and fear of reporting sexual abuse.

The Report also makes bleak findings about neglect and the education provided in the schools. Children were frequently hungry, accommodation was cold, spartan and bleak, sanitary provision was primitive in most boys’ schools and general hygiene facilities were poor. Academic education was not seen as a priority for industrial school children and the industrial training afforded by all schools was of a nature that served the needs of the institution rather than those of the child.

There was a disturbing level of emotional abuse by religious and lay staff in institutions. Witnessing abuse of co-residents, seeing other children being beaten, seeing the humiliation of others and being forced to participate in beatings had a powerful and distressing impact, while separating siblings and restrictions on family contact were profoundly damaging for family relationships. Complaints by parents and others made to the Department of Education were not properly investigated. The Department sought instead to protect the religious congregations and schools.

It is not possible to adequately describe in detail the stories of physical, sexual and emotional abuse the Report contains and it would not be right to choose particular incidents or examples. Each story involves a child. No mother or father, no grandparent or brother or sister, no human being with a shred of feeling could read this report without constant and intense loathing and revulsion.

A haunting summary of the evils that were done and the opportunities that were lost. That paragraph recalls that many witnesses who complained of abuse nevertheless expressed some positive memories. Small gestures of kindness were vividly recalled. A word of consideration or encouragement or an act of sympathy or understanding had a profound effect. Adults aged in their 60s and 70s recalled seemingly insignificant events that had remained with them all their lives. Alas, often the act of kindness recalled in such a positive light arose from the simple fact that the staff member had not been given a beating when one was expected.

The Report concludes that more kindness and humanity would have gone far to make up for poor standards of care. How different now would be the lives of those who spent time in those institutions if acts of kindness and humanity, rather than of horror and abuse, had been their daily experience and how different, too, would be the reputations of the religious congregations and State.

The Report presents a portrait of Irish society which is deeply unsettling. How was it that so many children were committed to institutions where not only were they removed from care of their family but they were subjected to regimes of incarceration which were cold, impersonal and degrading when they were not violent, oppressive and abusive? How did the State, in whose name and through whose courts, police and laws children were consigned to institutions which were funded, regulated and inspected by the State, preside over such conditions for so many decades? How could religious communities, founded on the highest ideals of service and compassion for the poor, so completely turn their claimed vocation on its head and inflict such suffering and neglect almost as a matter of policy? It is a tribute to Mr. Justice Ryan and the members of the commission that their report brings together in a most persuasive fashion extensive material that helps us to begin to understand how and why this came about, as well as documenting with great care the reality of the sufferings endured by generations of children, neglected and abused in the so-called care of the State.

The historical survey contained in the report demonstrates how the industrial school system came to form part of the apparatus of social control which, together with the effects of sustained emigration, came to be a primary response to the endemic problems of under-development, under-employment and poverty. As the report notes, against the background of extreme poverty, some saw the schools as no worse than anything else and as offering children at least adequate food, clothing and housing.

Children’s allowances were introduced only in 1944 and only in respect of the third child and subsequent children. The Report notes that the decline in numbers committed to the schools coincided with that development. It also notes that the Adoption Act passed in 1952 and the general improvement in the economic situation from the late 1950s, accelerating in the 1960s, brought about a significant reduction in the numbers committed to schools. In this respect, the industrial schools formed part of a wider pattern.

Writing about the persistence of large mental hospitals in Ireland, the late Dr. Joseph Robins, who also wrote one of the first detailed accounts of the history of residential institutions for children and played a leading role in creating the modern child care system, wrote: “Institutionalisation both under the British administration and until recent times under native government was regarded by the authorities as the most economic and controllable way of dealing with social problems”. It is small wonder then that Irish society produced generations of what Dr. Robins rightly called “the lost children”.

The desperate economic and social conditions of many in Ireland were not in any sense an excuse for the conditions experienced by those who were committed to industrial schools. The report contains a devastating critique of the failure of the State, in particular through the Department of Education, to discharge its responsibilities in ways which would have protected children. The disregard for its own rules; the absence of any effective inspection system; the disregard of such problems as the limited inspection system revealed and of complaints from parents and others; the resistance to the growing volume of criticism and unease, including from other Departments and members of the Judiciary; the failure to act on the recommendations of a comprehensive review from an independent commission established by the Department in the 1930s at a time when the industrial school model was being replaced in the neighbouring jurisdiction; and the failure to exercise any proactive policy-making or standard setting role make for an overwhelming indictment of failure of responsibility.

The report attributes this to a deferential and submissive attitude of the Department of Education towards the congregations concerned which compromised its ability to carry out its statutory duty. This is undoubtedly a very significant part of the story. However, the evidence assembled in the report suggests that the Department shared, at least in the earlier years, much of the prejudice against the residents of industrial schools displayed by the general population. It is also clear the Department feared that interference in the school system could lead to the closure of the schools and a much greater financial liability for the State. In this, as in the behaviour of the religious congregations concerned, maintenance of the institutional system overshadowed other considerations, including the safety and not just the best interests of the children. Furthermore, the evidence in the report about conditions in Marlborough House Place of Detention, which was under the control and direct management of the Department, shows that the failings were not solely based on the involvement of the religious orders.

It was seldom in the industrial school system and the needs of children in the care of the State were raised. Even then, the discussion was generally about specific issues rather than the adequacy of policy and provision. As for the religious congregations concerned, the Report calls on them to examine how their ideals came to be debased by systemic abuse. It states: “they must ask themselves how they came to tolerate breaches of their own rules, and when sexual and physical abuse was discovered, how they responded to it, and to those who perpetrated it and more generally, how the interests of the institutions and the Congregations came to be placed ahead of those of the children who were in their care”. An initial attempt at such understanding is reflected in a submission from the Rosminian Order published by the commission and referred to approvingly in the report. It is necessary that the other congregations undertake a similar review since, in this as in all things, only the truth provides a basis for living with integrity.

Confronted with this appalling story, the Report naturally makes a wide range of recommendations. Some aim at alleviating or otherwise addressing the effects of the abuse on the people who suffered. These include that a memorial to the victims should be erected with the words of the apology made by my predecessor in May 1999 inscribed on it. Also, counselling services should continue to be provided to ex-residents and their families, family tracing services should be continued and the lessons of the past must be learned by the State and by the congregations.

The second set of recommendations is aimed at preventing, where possible, and reducing the incidence of abuse of children in institutions, and protecting children from such abuse. Briefly, these recommendations are that the overall policy and practice of child care should respect the rights and dignity of children and have as its primary focus their safe care and welfare.

In pursuit of this, national child care policy should be clearly articulated and reviewed on a regular basis and a method of evaluating the extent to which services meet the aims and objectives of the national child care policy should be devised. Rules and regulations must be enforced, breaches reported and sanctions applied. Services for children should be subject to regular inspections and these inspections should meet a specific set of requirements. Children in care should be able to communicate concerns without fear and should have a consistent care figure. They should not, save in exceptional circumstances, be cut off from their families and full personal records of children in care must be maintained. Finally, “Children First: National Guidelines for the Protection and Welfare of Children”, should be uniformly and consistently implemented throughout the State in dealing with allegations of abuse.

The Report has been published and its findings, conclusions and recommendations are known. It is proper that I should put on the record of this House the actions the Government has taken so far in response to it. In doing so, Mr Cowen said that the Government’s priority will continue to be the needs of the survivors, and that we will continue to engage with them in meeting those needs and in implementing the recommendations of the report that relate to them.

The Government held a special meeting on 26 May to discuss the report. A statement afterwards which reiterated their apology, on behalf of the the State and all Irish citizens, to the victims of childhood abuse for the failure to intervene, to detect their pain or to come to their rescue. The statement made clear that the Government accepts all of the recommendations of the Commission and is committed to their implementation, and that the Minister of State with responsibility for children and youth affairs, Barry Andrews TD, will develop an implementation plan for them that he will bring to the Government for its approval by the end of July.

The following day the Dáil passed a unanimous motion which among other things called on the congregations to commit to making further substantial contributions by way of reparation, in the context of discussion with the State, including to a trust to be set up and managed by the State for the support of victims and for other education and welfare purposes.

The Taoiseach and two ministers have met representatives of the 18 religious congregations. The congregations were told that the Government had accepted that the failings of the State had clearly contributed to the conditions in which the pain and suffering experienced by thousands of children in ways documented in the report of the commission came about and went undetected. They expressed the dismay and abhorrence which, with the whole of the population, the Government experienced on reading the report and the catalogue of suffering, deprivation and abuse which was the lot of so many children committed to institutions under the care of the religious congregations. They recognised that there was a variation in the extent to which the congregations at the meeting are covered by the report’s conclusions, and also that those now in leadership positions in the congregations, like the Government, are faced with the consequences of actions and failings of those who have gone before them in earlier generations. Some of the severest conclusions of the commission regarding religious congregations related to recent attitudes and behaviour.

The systemic nature of the findings and the sheer scale of the suffering endured by children and the grievous abuse of so many of them while in the care of the congregations meant that there is a moral responsibility to be faced. The view of the Government that further substantial contributions are required by way of reparation that is capable of being assessed by the public for their significance by reference to the full resources available to the congregations and in a context of the costs of well over €1 billion being incurred by the State.

It was agreed at the meeting that the congregations would meet with the other Ministers and Mr Cowen again shortly, where he expect them to outline to us the nature of the process by which their further contributions by way of reparation to the victims will be made. That process needs to be robust and transparent so that their response to all that has been revealed in the commission’s report meets the expectations of a public that is demanding a definitive, strong, clear, expeditious and sincere demonstration of the congregations commitment in this regard. The extent to which this is achieved will be assessed by the Government and we will consider what steps, if any, are necessary to ensure public confidence in the adequacy of any

The Residential Institutions Redress Board was set up to enable survivors to be compensated without having to go through the courts. The commission has reported with a clear and measured account of the suffering of children in our institutions, and with specific recommendations aimed at two objectives, namely to alleviate the effects of abuse on the people who suffered and to protect children in care from abuse.

The Government will work with the representatives of survivors to implement the recommendations relating to them. It will also have before it by the end of July a plan for implementing all of the report’s recommendations. While it is clear that putting all of the Report’s recommendations into effect will take time it is equally clear, given the abuse of children recounted in the Commission’s report, and the scale of it, the implementation of that plan, when approved, will be a major priority